【文/观察者网国际大学生夏令营成员 摩根】

大家好，我叫摩根，来自英国曼彻斯特。今天我想和大家聊一聊在伦敦建设一座“超级中国大使馆”的计划。这个计划在网络上引发了广泛关注，不仅因为它的规模和地理位置，还因为它可能反映出中英关系未来发展的走向。该提案将把中国驻英国大使馆从伦敦郊区搬迁至更加中心的位置，紧邻全球第二大金融中心——伦敦金融城。

由于规模庞大，该计划被称为“超级大使馆”，项目占地约62万平方英尺，选址在历史悠久的皇家造币厂旧址。设计方案包括一个文化中心，以及可供约200名工作人员居住的宿舍。最初，“超级大使馆”的建设计划被伦敦当地议会搁置。然而，在去年7月工党赢得大选后，该项目得以重启，并由英国副首相安吉拉·雷纳负责监督。一旦建成，它将成为中国在欧洲规模最大的外交机构。

重启该项目的决定，是在英国财政大臣雷切尔·里夫斯访问中国仅一周后作出的。此次访问，旨在为重启中英关系积蓄动力。随行的还有英国商界的重量级人物，包括汇丰集团主席杜嘉祺、英格兰银行行长安德鲁·贝利，以及英国金融行为监管局首席执行官。中共中央政治局委员、国务院副总理何立峰在北京会见了他们。

从中国的角度来看，这座新大使馆旨在打造一个现代化的外交、领事服务与文化交流基地；对英国而言，这可能是深化对话、吸引投资、展示伦敦对国际交流开放态度的重要机会。

位于伦敦的前皇家铸币厂房产，是中方提交的“超级大使馆”规划选址

当然，这一计划在英国引发了争议，尤其是来自保守党的批评人士，理由是选址距离敏感基础设施过近。随着英国政府官员将在未来几周内对该项目作出决定，提交审批的建筑规划图中出现的“部分涂黑区域”，成为主要争议焦点之一。

实际上，此类规划中包含涂黑区域并不罕见。例如，美国大使馆的设计中通常会设有“安全核心区”，这一部分在公开图纸中通常不会显示。

为缓解担忧，中国驻英国大使馆的官方回应十分明确：“中国驻英国大使馆致力于促进两国人民之间的相互理解与友谊。希望英方能够根据事情本身的优点以及相关专业意见来考虑并批准这一规划申请。”

尽管如此，公众意见分歧依旧使该项目在英国媒体和国际舆论中广受关注。一些评论人士指出，这其中可能存在“双重标准”——其他国家在大使馆设计上往往有更多自由，而中国则面临更严格的审查。同时，媒体还强调了公众的不安情绪以及来自美国的反对立场。

值得注意的是，这一切发生在经历了数年中英关系波动之后。新冠疫情期间及之后，两国关系明显降温。在我撰写硕士论文时，我研究了英国首相鲍里斯·约翰逊将华为排除在英国5G网络建设之外的决定——在学界和多位前部长看来，这一决定很大程度上是受到了来自华盛顿的强大压力。

我的结论也相同：脱欧后，英国的外交回旋余地缩小，而“华为事件”成为伦敦与美国战略立场高度一致的显著例子。尤其值得一提的是，当时英国安全部门曾认为华为并不构成国家安全威胁。

此外，美国政治高层中也存在一定的不安，他们认为在脱欧后的“黄金时代”中，英国与中国的关系比以往更加密切。华盛顿担心，这可能会削弱英美之间的军事与经济合作，并对美国在欧洲乃至全球的影响力产生连锁反应。

今年1月，英国财政大臣蕾切尔·里夫斯到访中国。 视觉中国

在奥巴马总统任期结束后，第一届特朗普政府将向英国施压、促使其减少与中国的接触作为优先事项。尽管当时的英国首相自称是“亲华派”，特朗普依然采取了其标志性的“胡萝卜加大棒”策略——“胡萝卜”是与美国达成贸易协定的可能性，“大棒”则故意含糊其辞（外界普遍认为可能是关税）。以华为为最突出的焦点，这一施压行动最终促使英国减少了与中国的合作。

确实，脱欧后，英国在经济和战略上对美国的依赖更深，这也使其在政策上更容易受到美国偏好的影响。此外，英国也不再拥有作为欧盟单一市场成员国时所带来的安全保障。

时间快进到今天，形势似乎正在发生变化。近期，一位英国副市长在访问重庆期间，购买了一部中国品牌荣耀的手机——这与过去几乎完全从安全角度看待中国科技的态度，形成了鲜明对比。

这其中的经济逻辑，其实十分清晰。中国在全球供应链中占据着重要地位，尤其是在电动车电池和可再生能源技术所需的稀土精炼方面，几乎处于垄断地位。脱欧后，英国正积极寻求新的投资伙伴，而就在大使馆计划推进的数周后，英国财政大臣在访问北京期间，成功争取到600万英镑的中国投资。

这种重新接触已经开始结出成果。在重庆，英国代表团签署了多项合作协议，其中包括中国能源企业正浩（EcoFlow）在伯明翰设立新总部的计划。东米德兰兹副市长纳丁·皮特菲尔德总结道，人们“真心渴望恢复这些关系”。这种氛围让人想起了曾经一度的“中英关系黄金时代”——当时英国首相戴维·卡梅伦与中国国家领导人在酒吧里被拍到一起吃炸鱼薯条、喝啤酒的照片。这张照片迅速在网络走红，不仅因为它是软外交的经典案例，还因为它完美契合了英国的文化刻板印象。

中国大使馆项目仍需最终批准，部分规划文件内容目前仍属删减状态，预计将在9月作出决定。但在当前政治意愿回升的背景下展开相关讨论，表明中英双方都看到了重建互信的价值。

归根结底，这座大使馆不仅仅是砖瓦结构的象征。它传递出的信息是：尽管过去存在摩擦、外部有各种压力，中英之间依然有空间去专注于合作、互利以及两国人民之间的友谊。

Hello everyone, my name’s Morgan, and today I would like to talk about plans for a new “super embassy” in London.

This move is attracting a lot of attention online, not just for its size and location, but for what it might say about the future of Sino–China relations.

The proposal would see China’s embassy move from the outskirts of London to a much more central location, right next to the City of London, the world’s second largest financial hub.

Dubbed a “super embassy” largely due to its size, the planned complex would cover approximately 620,000 square feet on the former site of the historic Royal Mint. The design includes a cultural centre and accommodation for around 200 staff.

Initially, plans for the “super embassy” were frozen by the local council. However, following the Labour Party’s election victory last July, the project was revived and placed under the oversight of Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner. If completed, it would be China’s largest diplomatic mission in Europe.

The decision to restart the project came just a week after British Chancellor Rachel Reeves visited China to build momentum for a reset in UK–China relations. She was accompanied by a high-profile delegation of UK business leaders, including HSBC Chair Mark Tucker, Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey, and the Chief Executive of the Financial Conduct Authority. In Beijing, they met with her counterpart, Vice Premier He Lifeng.

From China’s perspective, this new embassy represents a modern base for diplomacy, consular services, and cultural exchange. For the UK, it could be an opportunity to deepen dialogue, attract investment, and showcase London’s openness to international engagement.

Of course, there has been some debate in Britain, especially from the Conservative Party — with critics pointing to the site’s proximity to sensitive infrastructure.

As government ministers prepare to make a decision in the coming weeks, one of the main sticking points has been the inclusion of certain blacked-out sections in the building plans submitted for approval.

The inclusion of redactions are not unusual. For example, it is standard practice for US embassies to include a “secure core” in their designs, with these areas routinely omitted from public plans.

To ease concerns, the official Chinese response has been clear: “The Chinese embassy in the UK is committed to promoting understanding and friendship between the two peoples. We hope the UK side will consider and approve this planning application based on the merits of the matter and relevant professional opinions.”

Even so, mixed public opinion has kept the project widely covered in the British media and discussed internationally. Some commentators have suggested there may be an element of double standards — with other countries given more freedom in their embassy designs while China faces stricter scrutiny. At the same time, media outlets have noted both public unease and reported opposition from the United States.

It’s worth remembering that this comes after several rocky years in UK–China relations. During and after COVID, ties cooled sharply. When I was writing my master’s thesis, I examined Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s decision to remove Huawei from the UK’s 5G networks — a move widely seen, both in academic circles and by former ministers, as the result of strong pressure from Washington.

My conclusion was much the same: post-Brexit, Britain’s room for manoeuvre was smaller, and the Huawei decision became a visible example of how closely London aligned with US preferences. This was all the more striking given that UK security agencies at the time maintained that Huawei posed no national security risk.

Part of Washington’s unease stemmed from the perception that, during the post-Brexit “golden era” of relations, the UK was drawing closer to China than ever before. The US feared this could weaken UK–US military and economic cooperation, with potential domino effects for American influence in Europe and beyond.

Following the Obama presidency, the first Trump administration made it a priority to pressure the UK to scale back its engagement with China. Even though the then–Prime Minister described himself as a “Sinophile”, President Trump employed his trademark “carrot and stick” approach — the carrot being the prospect of a trade deal with the United States, and the stick left deliberately vague (though widely assumed to be tariffs). With Huawei as its most visible flashpoint, this pressure campaign ultimately contributed to the UK scaling back its engagement with China.

Indeed, post-Brexit, the UK has often found itself more reliant on the US economically and strategically, making it more susceptible to American preferences. Moreover, it no longer has the security that came with being part of the EU single market.

Fast forward to today, and there are signs of a shift. On a recent visit to Chongqing, a British deputy mayor was even seen buying a Chinese-made Honor phone — a massive divergence from the days when Chinese technology was viewed almost entirely through a security lens.

The economic logic is clear. China is a major link in global supply chains, particularly in refining rare earth minerals used in electric vehicle batteries and renewable energy technologies. Post-Brexit, the UK is actively seeking new investment partners, and just weeks after the embassy plans moved forward, the finance minister secured £6 million in Chinese investment during a visit to Beijing.

That re-engagement is already producing results. In Chongqing, British delegates signed multiple cooperation agreements, including Chinese energy company EcoFlow’s plan to open a new headquarters in Birmingham. East Midlands Deputy Mayor Nadine Peatfield summed up the mood, saying there was “a real hunger and appetite to rekindle those relationships” — a sentiment that recalls the so-called “golden era” of UK–China relations. A period of sustained warming in relations was perhaps best captured in a now-famous photo of then–Prime Minister David Cameron and President Xi Jinping sharing fish and chips in a pub, alongside a cheeky pint. The image went viral, celebrated both as a classic example of soft diplomacy and as a moment of genuine cultural connection.

The embassy project still requires final approval. Parts of the planning documents remain redacted, and a decision is expected in September. But the fact that discussions are taking place against a backdrop of renewed political will shows that both sides see value in rebuilding trust.

Ultimately, this embassy won’t just be about bricks and mortar. It symbolises that, despite past tensions and external pressures, there remains space for the UK and China to focus on cooperation, mutual benefit, and friendship between peoples.

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